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1<head><title>History Of Cities And City Planning</title></head><body>
2
3<h1>History Of Cities And City Planning</h1>
4
5<h1>By Cliff Ellis</h1>
6
7<h2>Introduction</h2>
8
9The building of cities has a long and complex history. Although city
10planning as an organized profession has existed for less than a
11century, all cities display various degrees of forethought and
12conscious design in their layout and functioning. <p>
13
14Early humans led a nomadic existence, relying on hunting and gathering
15for sustenance. Between 8,000 and 10,000 years ago, systematic
16cultivation of plants and the domestication of animals allowed for
17more permanent settlements. During the fourth millennium B.C., the
18requirements for the "urban revolution" were finally met: the
19production of a surplus of storable food, a system of writing, a more
20complex social organization, and technological advances such as the
21plough, potter's wheel, loom, and metallurgy. <p>
22
23Cities exist for many reasons, and the diversity of urban forms can be
24traced to the complex functions that cities perform. Cities serve as
25centers of storage, trade, and manufacture. The agricultural surplus
26from the surrounding countryside is processed and distributed in
27cities. Cities also grew up around marketplaces, where goods from
28distant places could be exchanged for local products. Throughout
29history, cities have been founded at the intersections of
30transportation routes, or at points where goods must shift from one
31mode of transportation to another, as at river and ocean ports. <p>
32
33Religious elements have been crucial throughout urban history. Ancient
34peoples had sacred places, often associated with cemeteries or
35shrines, around which cities grew. Ancient cities usually had large
36temple precincts with monumental religious buildings. Many medieval
37cities were built near monasteries and cathedrals. <p>
38
39Cities often provide protection in a precarious world. During attacks,
40the rural populace could flee behind city walls, where defence forces
41assembled to repel the enemy. The wall served this purpose for
42millennia, until the invention of heavy artillery rendered walls
43useless in warfare. With the advent of modern aerial warfare, cities
44have become prime targets for destruction rather than safe havens.
45<p>
46
47Cities serve as centers of government. In particular, the emergence of
48the great nation-states of Europe between 1400 and 1800 led to the
49creation of new capital cities or the investing of existing cities
50with expanded governmental functions. <p>
51
52Washington, D.C., for example, displays the monumental buildings,
53radial street pattern, and large public spaces typical of capital
54cities. <p>
55
56Cities, with their concentration of talent, mixture of peoples, and
57economic surplus, have provided a fertile ground for the evolution of
58human culture: the arts, scientific research, and technical
59innovation. They serve as centers of communication, where new ideas
60and information are spread to the surrounding territory and to foreign
61lands. <p>
62
63<h2>Constraints on City Form</h2>
64
65Cities are physical artifacts inserted into a preexisting natural
66world, and natural constraints must be respected if a settlement is to
67survive and prosper. Cities must conform to the landscape in which
68they are located, although technologies have gradually been developed
69to reorganize the land to suit human purposes. Moderately sloping land
70provides the best urban site, but spectacular effects have been
71achieved on hilly sites such as San Francisco, Rio de Janeiro, and
72Athens. <p>
73
74Climate influences city form. For example, streets have been aligned
75to take advantage of cooling breezes, and arcades designed to shield
76pedestrians from sun and rain. The architecture of individual
77buildings often reflects adaptations to temperature, rainfall, snow,
78wind and other climatic characteristics. <p>
79
80Cities must have a healthy water supply, and locations along rivers
81and streams, or near underground watercourses, have always been
82favored. Many large modern cities have outgrown their local water
83supplies and rely upon distant water sources diverted by elaborate
84systems of pipes and canals. <p>
85
86City location and internal structure have been profoundly influenced
87by natural transportation routes. Cities have often been sited near
88natural harbors, on navigable rivers, or along land routes determined
89by regional topography. <p>
90
91Finally, cities have had to survive periodic natural disasters such as
92earthquakes, hurricanes, tornados, and floods. The San Francisco
93earthquake of 1906 demonstrated how natural forces can undo decades of
94human labor in a very short time. <p>
95
96<h2>Elements of Urban Structure</h2>
97
98City planners must weave a complex, ever-changing array of elements
99into a working whole: that is the perennial challenge of city
100planning. The physical elements of the city can be divided into three
101categories: networks, buildings, and open spaces. Many alternative
102arrangements of these components have been tried throughout history,
103but no ideal city form has ever been agreed upon. Lively debates about
104the best way to arrange urban anatomies continue to rage, and show no
105signs of abating. <p>
106
107<h3>Networks</h3>
108
109Every modern city contains an amazing array of pathways to carry flows
110of people, goods, water, energy, and information. Transportation
111networks are the largest and most visible of these. Ancient cities
112relied on streets, most of them quite narrow by modern standards, to
113carry foot traffic and carts. The modern city contains a complex
114hierarchy of transportation channels, ranging from ten-lane freeways
115to sidewalks. In the United States, the bulk of trips are carried by
116the private automobile, with mass transit a distant second. American
117cities display the low-density sprawl characteristic of auto-centered
118urban development. In contrast, many European cities have the high
119densities necessary to support rail transit. <p>
120
121Modern cities rely on complex networks of utilities. When cities were
122small, obtaining pure water and disposing of wastes was not a major
123problem, but cities with large populations and high densities require
124expensive public infrastructure. During the nineteenth century, rapid
125urban growth and industrialization caused overcrowding, pollution, and
126disease in urban areas. After the connection between impure water and
127disease was established, American and European cities began to install
128adequate sewer and water systems. Since the late nineteenth century,
129cities have also been laced with wires and conduits carrying
130electricity, gas, and communications signals. <p>
131
132<h3>Buildings</h3>
133
134Buildings are the most visible elements of the city, the features that
135give each city its unique character. Residential structures occupy
136almost half of all urban land, with the building types ranging from
137scattered single-family homes to dense high-rise apartments.
138Commercial buildings are clustered downtown and at various subcenters,
139with skyscrapers packed into the central business district and
140low-rise structures prevailing elsewhere, although tall buildings are
141becoming more common in the suburbs. Industrial buildings come in many
142forms ranging from large factory complexes in industrial districts to
143small workshops. <p>
144
145City planners engage in a constant search for the proper arrangement
146of these different types of land use, paying particular attention to
147the compatibility of different activities, population densities,
148traffic generation, economic efficiency, social relationships, and the
149height and bulk of buildings. <p>
150
151<h3>Open Spaces</h3>
152
153Open space is sometimes treated as a leftover, but it contributes
154greatly to the quality of urban life. "Hard" spaces such as plazas,
155malls, and courtyards provide settings for public activities of all
156kinds. "Soft" spaces such as parks, gardens, lawns, and nature
157preserves provide essential relief from harsh urban conditions and
158serve as space for recreational activities. These "amenities"
159increasingly influence which cities will be perceived as desirable
160places to live. <p>
161
162<h2>Evolution of Urban Form</h2>
163
164The first true urban settlements appeared around 3,000 B.C. in ancient
165Mesopotamia, Egypt, and the Indus Valley. Ancient cities displayed
166both "organic" and "planned" types of urban form. These societies had
167elaborate religious, political, and military hierarchies. Precincts
168devoted to the activities of the elite were often highly planned and
169regular in form. In contrast, residential areas often grew by a slow
170process of accretion, producing complex, irregular patterns that we
171term "organic." Two typical features of the ancient city are the wall
172and the citadel: the wall for defense in regions periodically swept by
173conquering armies, and the citadel -- a large, elevated precinct
174within the city -- devoted to religious and state functions. <p>
175
176Greek cities did not follow a single pattern. Cities growing slowly
177from old villages often had an irregular, organic form, adapting
178gradually to the accidents of topography and history. Colonial cities,
179however, were planned prior to settlement using the grid system. The
180grid is easy to lay out, easy to comprehend, and divides urban land
181into uniform rectangular lots suitable for development. <p>
182
183The Romans engaged in extensive city-building activities as they
184consolidated their empire. Rome itself displayed the informal
185complexity created by centuries of organic growth, although particular
186temple and public districts were highly planned. In contrast, the
187Roman military and colonial towns were laid out in a variation of the
188grid. Many European cities, like London and Paris, sprang from these
189Roman origins. <p>
190
191We usually associate medieval cities with narrow winding streets
192converging on a market square with a cathedral and city hall. Many
193cities of this period display this pattern, the product of thousands
194of incremental additions to the urban fabric. However, new towns
195seeded throughout undeveloped regions of Europe were based upon the
196familiar grid. In either case, large encircling walls were built for
197defense against marauding armies; new walls enclosing more land were
198built as the city expanded and outgrew its former container. <p>
199
200During the Renaissance, architects began to systematically study the
201shaping of urban space, as though the city itself were a piece of
202architecture that could be given an aesthetically pleasing and
203functional order. Many of the great public spaces of Rome and other
204Italian cities date from this era. Parts of old cities were rebuilt to
205create elegant squares, long street vistas, and symmetrical building
206arrangements. Responding to advances in firearms during the fifteenth
207century, new city walls were designed with large earthworks to deflect
208artillery, and star-shaped points to provide defenders with sweeping
209lines of fire. Spanish colonial cities in the New World were built
210according to rules codified in the Laws of the Indies of 1573,
211specifying an orderly grid of streets with a central plaza, defensive
212wall, and uniform building style. <p>
213
214We associate the baroque city with the emergence of great
215nation-states between 1600 and 1750. Ambitious monarchs constructed
216new palaces, courts, and bureaucratic offices. The grand scale was
217sought in urban public spaces: long avenues, radial street networks,
218monumental squares, geometric parks and gardens. Versailles is a clear
219expression of this city-building model; Washington, D.C. is an example
220from the United States. Baroque principles of urban design were used
221by Baron Haussmann in his celebrated restructuring of Paris between
2221853 and 1870. Haussmann carved broad new thoroughfares through the
223tangled web of old Parisian streets, linking major subcenters of the
224city with one another in a pattern which has served as a model for
225many other modernization plans. <p>
226
227Toward the latter half of the eighteenth century, particularly in
228America, the city as a setting for commerce assumed primacy. The
229buildings of the bourgeoisie expand along with their owners'
230prosperity: banks, office buildings, warehouses, hotels, and small
231factories. New towns founded during this period were conceived as
232commercial enterprises, and the neutral grid was the most effective
233means to divide land up into parcels for sale. The city became a
234checkerboard on which players speculated on shifting land values. No
235longer would religious, political, and cultural imperatives shape
236urban development; rather, the market would be allowed to determine
237the pattern of urban growth. New York, Philadelphia, and Boston around
2381920 exemplify the commercial city of this era, with their bustling,
239mixed-use waterfront districts. <p>
240
241<h2>Transition to the Industrial City</h2>
242
243Cities have changed more since the Industrial Revolution than in all
244the previous centuries of their existence. New York had a population
245of about 313,000 in 1840 but had reached 4,767,000 in 1910. Chicago
246exploded from 4.000 to 2,185,000 during the same period. Millions of
247rural dwellers no longer needed on farms flocked to the cities, where
248new factories churned out products for the new markets made accessible
249by railroads and steamships. In the United States, millions of
250immigrants from Europe swelled the urban populations. Increasingly,
251urban economies were being woven more rightly into the national and
252international economies. <p>
253
254Technological innovations poured forth, many with profound impacts on
255urban form. Railroad tracks were driven into the heart of the city.
256Internal rail transportation systems greatly expanded the radius of
257urban settlement: horsecars beginning in the 1830s, cable cars in the
2581870s, and electric trolleys in the 1880s. In the 1880s, the first
259central power plants began providing electrical power to urban areas.
260The rapid communication provided by the telegraph and the telephone
261allowed formerly concentrated urban activities to disperse across a
262wider field. <p>
263
264The industrial city still focused on the city center, which contained
265both the central business district, defined by large office buildings,
266and substantial numbers of factory and warehouse structures. Both
267trolleys and railroad systems converged on the center of the city,
268which boasted the premier entertainment and shopping establishments.
269The working class lived in crowded districts close to the city center,
270near their place of employment. <p>
271
272Early American factories were located outside of major cities along
273rivers which provided water power for machinery. After steam power
274became widely available in the 1930s, factories could be located
275within the city in proximity to port facilities, rail lines, and the
276urban labor force. Large manufacturing zones emerged within the major
277northeastern and midwestern cities such as Pittsburgh, Detroit, and
278Cleveland. But by the late nineteenth century, factory
279decentralization had already begun, as manufacturers sought larger
280parcels of land away from the congestion of the city. Gary, Indiana,
281for example, was founded in 1906 on the southern shore of Lake
282Michigan by the United States Steel Company. <p>
283
284The increasing crowding, pollution, and disease in the central city
285produced a growing desire to escape to a healthier environment in the
286suburbs. The upper classes had always been able to retreat to homes in
287the countryside. Beginning in the 1830s, commuter railroads enabled
288the upper middle class to commute in to the city center. Horsecar
289lines were built in many cities between the 1830s and 1880s, allowing
290the middle class to move out from the central cities into more
291spacious suburbs. Finally, during the 1890s electric trolleys and
292elevated rapid transit lines proliferated, providing cheap urban
293transportation for the majority of the population. <p>
294
295The central business district of the city underwent a radical
296transformation with the development of the skyscraper between 1870 and
2971900. These tall buildings were not technically feasible until the
298invention of the elevator and steel-frame construction methods.
299Skyscrapers reflect the dynamics of the real estate market; the tall
300building extracts the maximum economic value from a limited parcel of
301land. These office buildings housed the growing numbers of
302white-collar employees in banking, finance, management, and business
303services, all manifestations of the shift from an economy of small
304firms to one of large corporations. <p>
305
306<h3>The Form of the Modern City
307in the Age of the Automobile</h3>
308
309The city of today may be divided into two parts: <p>
310
311<ul>
312
313<li>An inner zone, coextensive with the boundaries of the old industrial city.
314
315<li>Suburban areas, dating from the 1920s, which have been designed for the automobile from the beginning.
316
317</ul>
318
319The central business districts of American cities have become centers
320of information processing, finance, and administration rather than
321manufacturing. White-collar employees in these economic sectors
322commute in from the suburbs on a network of urban freeways built
323during the 1950s and 1960s; this "hub-and-wheel" freeway pattern can
324be observed on many city maps. New bridges have spanned rivers and
325bays, as in New York and San Francisco, linking together formerly
326separate cities into vast urbanized regions. <p>
327
328Waves of demolition and rebuilding have produced "Manhattanized"
329downtowns across the land. During the 1950s and 1960s, urban renewal
330programs cleared away large areas of the old city, releasing the land
331for new office buildings, convention centers, hotels, and sports
332complexes. Building surges have converted the downtowns of American
333cities into forests of tall office buildings. More recently, office
334functions not requiring a downtown location have been moved to huge
335office parks in the suburbs. <p>
336
337Surrounding the central business area lies a large band of old
338mixed-use and residential buildings which hose the urban poor. High
339crime, low income, deteriorating services, inadequate housing, and
340intractable social problems plague these neglected areas of urban
341America. The manufacturing jobs formerly available to inner city
342residents are no longer there, and resources have not been committed
343to replace them. <p>
344
345These inner city areas have been left behind by a massive migration to
346the suburbs, which began in the late nineteenth century but
347accelerated in the 1920s with the spread of the automobile. Freeway
348building after World War II opened up even larger areas of suburban
349land, which were quickly filled by people fleeing central city
350decline. Today, more people live in suburbs than in cities proper.
351Manufacturers have also moved their production facilities to suburban
352locations which have freeway and rail accessibility. <p>
353
354Indeed, we have reached a new stage of urbanization beyond the
355metropolis. Most major cities are no longer focused exclusively on the
356traditional downtown. New subcenters have arisen round the periphery,
357and these subcenters supply most of the daily needs of their adjacent
358populations. The old metropolis has become a multi-centered urban
359region. In turn, many of these urban regions have expanded to the
360point where they have coalesced into vast belts of urbanization --
361what the geographer Jean Gottman termed "megalopolis." The prime
362example is the eastern seaboard of the United States from Boston to
363Washington. The planner C.A. Doxiadis has speculated that similar vast
364corridors of urbanization will appear throughout the world during the
365next century. Thus far, American planners have not had much success in
366imposing a rational form on this process. However, New Town and
367greenbelt programs in Britain and the Scandinavian countries have, to
368some extent, prevented formless sprawl from engulfing the countryside.
369<p>
370
371<h3>The Economics of Urban Areas</h3>
372
373Since the 1950s, city planners have increasingly paid attention to the
374economics of urban areas. When many American cities experienced fiscal
375crises during the 1970s, urban financial management assumed even
376greater importance. Today, planners routinely assess the economic
377consequences of all major changes in the form of the city. <p>
378
379Several basic concepts underlie urban and regional economic analysis.
380First, cities cannot grow if their residents simply provide services
381for one another. The city must create products which can be sold to an
382external purchaser, bringing in money which can be reinvested in new
383production facilities and raw materials. This "economic base" of
384production for external markets is crucial. Without it, the economic
385engine of the city grinds to a halt. <p>
386
387Once the economic base is established, an elaborate internal market
388can evolve. This market includes the production of goods and services
389for businesses and residents within the city. Obviously, a large part
390of the city's physical plant is devoted to facilities for internal
391transactions: retail stores of all kinds, restaurants, local
392professional services, and so on. <p>
393
394Modern cities are increasingly engaged in competition for economic
395resources such as industrial plants, corporate headquarters,
396high-technology firms, and government facilities. Cities try to lure
397investment with an array of features: low tax rates, improved
398transportation and utility infrastructure, cheap land, and skilled
399labor force. Amenities such as climate, proximity to recreation,
400parks, elegant architecture, and cultural activities influence the
401location decisions of businesses and individuals. Many older cities
402have difficulty surviving in this new economic game. Abandoned by
403traditional industries, they're now trying to create a new economic
404base involving growth sectors such as high technology. <p>
405
406Today, cities no longer compete in mere regional or national markets:
407the market is an international one. Multinational firms close plants
408in Chicago or Detroit and build replacements in Asia or Latin America.
409Foreign products dominate whole sectors of the American consumer goods
410market. Huge sums of money shift around the globe in instantaneous
411electronic transactions. Cities must struggle for survival in a
412volatile environment in which the rules are always changing. This
413makes city planning even more challenging than before. <p>
414
415<h2>Modern City Planning</h2>
416
417Modern city planning can be divided into two distinct but related
418types of planning. visionary city planning proposes radical changes in
419the form of the city, often in conjunction with sweeping changes in
420the social and economic order. Institutionalized city planning is
421lodged within the existing structures of government, and modifies
422urban growth processes in moderate, pragmatic ways. It is constrained
423by the prevailing alignment of political and economic forces within
424the city. <p>
425
426<h3>Visionary or Utopian City Planning</h3>
427
428People have imagined ideal cities for millennia. Plato's Republic was
429an ideal city, although lacking in the spatial detail of later
430schemes. Renaissance architects designed numerous geometric cities,
431and ever since architects have been the chief source of imaginative
432urban proposals. In the twentieth century, Le Corbusier, Frank Lloyd
433Wright, Paolo Soleri, and dozens of other architects have designed
434cities on paper. Although few have been realized in pure form, they
435have influenced the layout of many new towns and urban redevelopment
436projects. <p>
437
438In his "Contemporary City for Three Million People" of 1922 and
439"Radiant City" of 1935, Le Corbusier advocated a high-density urban
440alternative, with skyscraper office buildings and mid-rise apartments
441placed within park-like open spaces. Different land uses were located
442in separate districts, forming a rigid geometric pattern with a
443sophisticated system of superhighways and rail transit. <p>
444
445Frank Lloyd Wright envisioned a decentralized low-density city in
446keeping with his distaste for large cities and belief in frontier
447individualism. The Broadacre City plan of 1935 is a large grid of
448arterials spread across the countryside, with most of the internal
449space devoted to single-family homes on large lots. Areas are also
450carefully set aside for small farms, light industry, orchards,
451recreation areas, and other urban facilities. A network of
452superhighways knits the region together, so spatially dispersed
453facilities are actually very close in terms of travel time. In many
454ways, Wright's Broadacre City resembles American suburban and exurban
455developments of the post-WWII period. <p>
456
457Many other utopian plans could be catalogued, but the point is that
458planners and architects have generated a complex array of urban
459patterns from which to draw ideas and inspiration. Most city planners,
460however, do not work on a blank canvas; they can only make incremental
461changes to an urban scene already shaped by a complicated historical
462process. <p>
463
464<h3>Institutionalized City Planning</h3>
465
466The form of the city is determined primarily by thousands of private
467decisions to construct buildings, within a framework of public
468infrastructure and regulations administered by the city, state, and
469federal governments. City planning actions can have enormous impacts
470on land values. From the point of view of land economics, the city is
471an enormous playing field on which thousands of competitors struggle
472to capture value by constructing or trading land and buildings. The
473goal of city planning is to intervene in this game in order to protect
474widely shared public values such as health, safety, environmental
475quality, social equality, and aesthetics. <p>
476
477The roots of American city planning lie in an array of reform efforts
478of the late nineteenth century: the Parks movement, the City Beautiful
479movement, campaigns for housing regulations, the Progressive movement
480for government reform, and efforts to improve public health through
481the provision of sanitary sewers and clean water supplies. The First
482National Conference on City Planning occurred in 1909, the same year
483as Daniel Burnham's famous Plan of Chicago. That date may be used to
484mark the inauguration of the new profession. The early city planners
485actually came from diverse backgrounds such as architecture, landscape
486architecture, engineering, and law, but they shared a common desire to
487produce a more orderly urban pattern. <p>
488
489The zoning of land became, and still is, the most potent instrument
490available to American city planners for controlling urban development.
491Zoning is basically the dividing of the city into discrete areas
492within which only certain land uses and types of buildings can be
493constructed. The rationale is that certain activities of building
494types don't mix well; factories and homes, for example. Illogical
495mixtures create nuisances for the parties involved and lower land
496values. After several decades of gradual development, land-use zoning
497received legal approval from the Supreme Court in 1926. <p>
498
499Zoning isn't the same as planning: it is a legal tool for the
500implementation of plans. Zoning should be closely integrated with a
501Master Plan or Comprehensive Plan that spells out a logical path for
502the city's future in areas such as land use, transportation, parks and
503recreation, environmental quality, and public works construction. In
504the early days of zoning this was often neglected, but this lack of
505coordination between zoning and planning is less common now. <p>
506
507The other important elements of existing city planning are subdivision
508regulations and environmental regulations. Subdivision regulations
509require that land being subdivided for development be provided with
510adequate street, sewers, water, schools, utilities, and various design
511features. The goal is to prevent shabby, deficient developments that
512produce headaches for both their residents and the city. Since the
513late 1960s, environmental regulations have exerted a stronger
514influence on patterns of urban growth by restricting development in
515floodplains, on unstable slopes, on earthquake faults, or near
516sensitive natural areas. Businesses have been forced to reduce smoke
517emissions and the disposal of wastes has been more closely monitored.
518Overall, the pace of environmental degradation has been slowed, but
519certainly not stopped, and a dismaying backlog of environmental
520hazards remains to be cleaned up. City planners have plenty of work to
521do as we move into the twenty-first century. <p>
522
523<h2>Conclusion: Good City Form</h2>
524
525What is the good city? We are unlikely to arrive at an unequivocal
526answer; the diversity of human needs and tastes frustrates all
527attempts to provide recipes or instruction manuals for the building of
528cities. However, we can identify the crucial dimensions of city
529performance, and specify the many ways in which cities can achieve
530success along these dimensions. <p>
531
532A most useful guide in this enterprise is Kevin Lynch's A Theory of
533Good City Form (Cambridge, MA, MIT Press, 1981). Lynch offers five
534basic dimensions of city performance: vitality, sense, fit, access,
535and control. To these he adds two "meta-criteria," efficiency and
536justice. <p>
537
538For Lynch, a vital city successfully fulfils the biological needs of
539its inhabitants, and provides a safe environment for their activities.
540A sensible city is organized so that its residents can perceive and
541understand the city's form and function. A city with good fit provides
542the buildings, spaces, and networks required for its residents to
543pursue their projects successfully. An accessible city allows people
544of all ages and background to gain the activities, resources,
545services, and information that they need. A city with good control is
546arranged so that its citizens have a say in the management of the
547spaces in which they work and reside. <p>
548
549Finally, an efficient city achieves the goals listed above at the
550least cost, and balances the achievement of the goals with one
551another. They cannot all be maximized at the same time. And a just
552city distributes benefits among its citizens according to some fair
553standard. Clearly, these two meta-criteria raise difficult issues
554which will continue to spark debates for the foreseeable future. <p>
555
556These criteria tell aspiring city builders where to aim, while
557acknowledging the diverse ways of achieving good city form. Cities are
558endlessly fascinating because each is unique, the product of decades,
559centuries, or even millennia of historical evolution. As we walk
560through city streets, we walk through time, encountering the
561city-building legacy of past generations. Paris, Venice, Rome, New
562York, Chicago, San Francisco -- each has its glories and its failures.
563In theory, we should be able to learn the lessons of history and build
564cities that our descendants will admire and wish to preserve. That
565remains a constant challenge for all those who undertake the task of
566city planning. <p>
567
568<p>
569
570<hr>
571<p>
572<h2>Micropolis, Unix Version.</h2>
573This game was released for the Unix platform
574in or about 1990 and has been modified for inclusion in the One Laptop
575Per Child program. Copyright &copy; 1989 - 2007 Electronic Arts Inc. If
576you need assistance with this program, you may contact:
577<a href="http://wiki.laptop.org/go/Micropolis">http://wiki.laptop.org/go/Micropolis</a> or email <a href="mailto:micropolis@laptop.org">micropolis@laptop.org</a>.
578</p><p>
579
580This program is free software: you can redistribute it and/or modify
581it under the terms of the GNU General Public License as published by
582the Free Software Foundation, either version 3 of the License, or (at
583your option) any later version.
584</p><p>
585
586This program is distributed in the hope that it will be useful, but
587WITHOUT ANY WARRANTY; without even the implied warranty of
588MERCHANTABILITY or FITNESS FOR A PARTICULAR PURPOSE. See the GNU
589General Public License for more details. You should have received a
590copy of the GNU General Public License along with this program. If
591not, see <a href="http://www.gnu.org/licenses/">http://www.gnu.org/licenses/</a>.
592</p><p>
593
594<h3 align="center">ADDITIONAL TERMS per GNU GPL Section 7</h3>
595
596</p><p>
597No trademark or publicity rights are granted. This license does NOT
598give you any right, title or interest in the trademark SimCity or any
599other Electronic Arts trademark. You may not distribute any
600modification of this program using the trademark SimCity or claim any
601affliation or association with Electronic Arts Inc. or its employees.
602</p><p>
603
604Any propagation or conveyance of this program must include this
605copyright notice and these terms.
606</p><p>
607
608If you convey this program (or any modifications of it) and assume
609contractual liability for the program to recipients of it, you agree
610to indemnify Electronic Arts for any liability that those contractual
611assumptions impose on Electronic Arts.
612</p><p>
613
614You may not misrepresent the origins of this program; modified
615versions of the program must be marked as such and not identified as
616the original program.
617</p><p>
618
619This disclaimer supplements the one included in the General Public
620License. <b>TO THE FULLEST EXTENT PERMISSIBLE UNDER APPLICABLE LAW, THIS
621PROGRAM IS PROVIDED TO YOU "AS IS," WITH ALL FAULTS, WITHOUT WARRANTY
622OF ANY KIND, AND YOUR USE IS AT YOUR SOLE RISK. THE ENTIRE RISK OF
623SATISFACTORY QUALITY AND PERFORMANCE RESIDES WITH YOU. ELECTRONIC ARTS
624DISCLAIMS ANY AND ALL EXPRESS, IMPLIED OR STATUTORY WARRANTIES,
625INCLUDING IMPLIED WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY, SATISFACTORY QUALITY,
626FITNESS FOR A PARTICULAR PURPOSE, NONINFRINGEMENT OF THIRD PARTY
627RIGHTS, AND WARRANTIES (IF ANY) ARISING FROM A COURSE OF DEALING,
628USAGE, OR TRADE PRACTICE. ELECTRONIC ARTS DOES NOT WARRANT AGAINST
629INTERFERENCE WITH YOUR ENJOYMENT OF THE PROGRAM; THAT THE PROGRAM WILL
630MEET YOUR REQUIREMENTS; THAT OPERATION OF THE PROGRAM WILL BE
631UNINTERRUPTED OR ERROR-FREE, OR THAT THE PROGRAM WILL BE COMPATIBLE
632WITH THIRD PARTY SOFTWARE OR THAT ANY ERRORS IN THE PROGRAM WILL BE
633CORRECTED. NO ORAL OR WRITTEN ADVICE PROVIDED BY ELECTRONIC ARTS OR
634ANY AUTHORIZED REPRESENTATIVE SHALL CREATE A WARRANTY. SOME
635JURISDICTIONS DO NOT ALLOW THE EXCLUSION OF OR LIMITATIONS ON IMPLIED
636WARRANTIES OR THE LIMITATIONS ON THE APPLICABLE STATUTORY RIGHTS OF A
637CONSUMER, SO SOME OR ALL OF THE ABOVE EXCLUSIONS AND LIMITATIONS MAY
638NOT APPLY TO YOU.</b>
639</p>
640</body>
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