1 <head><title>History Of Cities And City Planning
</title></head><body>
3 <h1>History Of Cities And City Planning
</h1>
5 <h1>By Cliff Ellis
</h1>
9 The building of cities has a long and complex history. Although city
10 planning as an organized profession has existed for less than a
11 century, all cities display various degrees of forethought and
12 conscious design in their layout and functioning.
<p>
14 Early humans led a nomadic existence, relying on hunting and gathering
15 for sustenance. Between
8,
000 and
10,
000 years ago, systematic
16 cultivation of plants and the domestication of animals allowed for
17 more permanent settlements. During the fourth millennium B.C., the
18 requirements for the
"urban revolution" were finally met: the
19 production of a surplus of storable food, a system of writing, a more
20 complex social organization, and technological advances such as the
21 plough, potter's wheel, loom, and metallurgy.
<p>
23 Cities exist for many reasons, and the diversity of urban forms can be
24 traced to the complex functions that cities perform. Cities serve as
25 centers of storage, trade, and manufacture. The agricultural surplus
26 from the surrounding countryside is processed and distributed in
27 cities. Cities also grew up around marketplaces, where goods from
28 distant places could be exchanged for local products. Throughout
29 history, cities have been founded at the intersections of
30 transportation routes, or at points where goods must shift from one
31 mode of transportation to another, as at river and ocean ports.
<p>
33 Religious elements have been crucial throughout urban history. Ancient
34 peoples had sacred places, often associated with cemeteries or
35 shrines, around which cities grew. Ancient cities usually had large
36 temple precincts with monumental religious buildings. Many medieval
37 cities were built near monasteries and cathedrals.
<p>
39 Cities often provide protection in a precarious world. During attacks,
40 the rural populace could flee behind city walls, where defence forces
41 assembled to repel the enemy. The wall served this purpose for
42 millennia, until the invention of heavy artillery rendered walls
43 useless in warfare. With the advent of modern aerial warfare, cities
44 have become prime targets for destruction rather than safe havens.
47 Cities serve as centers of government. In particular, the emergence of
48 the great nation-states of Europe between
1400 and
1800 led to the
49 creation of new capital cities or the investing of existing cities
50 with expanded governmental functions.
<p>
52 Washington, D.C., for example, displays the monumental buildings,
53 radial street pattern, and large public spaces typical of capital
56 Cities, with their concentration of talent, mixture of peoples, and
57 economic surplus, have provided a fertile ground for the evolution of
58 human culture: the arts, scientific research, and technical
59 innovation. They serve as centers of communication, where new ideas
60 and information are spread to the surrounding territory and to foreign
63 <h2>Constraints on City Form
</h2>
65 Cities are physical artifacts inserted into a preexisting natural
66 world, and natural constraints must be respected if a settlement is to
67 survive and prosper. Cities must conform to the landscape in which
68 they are located, although technologies have gradually been developed
69 to reorganize the land to suit human purposes. Moderately sloping land
70 provides the best urban site, but spectacular effects have been
71 achieved on hilly sites such as San Francisco, Rio de Janeiro, and
74 Climate influences city form. For example, streets have been aligned
75 to take advantage of cooling breezes, and arcades designed to shield
76 pedestrians from sun and rain. The architecture of individual
77 buildings often reflects adaptations to temperature, rainfall, snow,
78 wind and other climatic characteristics.
<p>
80 Cities must have a healthy water supply, and locations along rivers
81 and streams, or near underground watercourses, have always been
82 favored. Many large modern cities have outgrown their local water
83 supplies and rely upon distant water sources diverted by elaborate
84 systems of pipes and canals.
<p>
86 City location and internal structure have been profoundly influenced
87 by natural transportation routes. Cities have often been sited near
88 natural harbors, on navigable rivers, or along land routes determined
89 by regional topography.
<p>
91 Finally, cities have had to survive periodic natural disasters such as
92 earthquakes, hurricanes, tornados, and floods. The San Francisco
93 earthquake of
1906 demonstrated how natural forces can undo decades of
94 human labor in a very short time.
<p>
96 <h2>Elements of Urban Structure
</h2>
98 City planners must weave a complex, ever-changing array of elements
99 into a working whole: that is the perennial challenge of city
100 planning. The physical elements of the city can be divided into three
101 categories: networks, buildings, and open spaces. Many alternative
102 arrangements of these components have been tried throughout history,
103 but no ideal city form has ever been agreed upon. Lively debates about
104 the best way to arrange urban anatomies continue to rage, and show no
105 signs of abating.
<p>
109 Every modern city contains an amazing array of pathways to carry flows
110 of people, goods, water, energy, and information. Transportation
111 networks are the largest and most visible of these. Ancient cities
112 relied on streets, most of them quite narrow by modern standards, to
113 carry foot traffic and carts. The modern city contains a complex
114 hierarchy of transportation channels, ranging from ten-lane freeways
115 to sidewalks. In the United States, the bulk of trips are carried by
116 the private automobile, with mass transit a distant second. American
117 cities display the low-density sprawl characteristic of auto-centered
118 urban development. In contrast, many European cities have the high
119 densities necessary to support rail transit.
<p>
121 Modern cities rely on complex networks of utilities. When cities were
122 small, obtaining pure water and disposing of wastes was not a major
123 problem, but cities with large populations and high densities require
124 expensive public infrastructure. During the nineteenth century, rapid
125 urban growth and industrialization caused overcrowding, pollution, and
126 disease in urban areas. After the connection between impure water and
127 disease was established, American and European cities began to install
128 adequate sewer and water systems. Since the late nineteenth century,
129 cities have also been laced with wires and conduits carrying
130 electricity, gas, and communications signals.
<p>
134 Buildings are the most visible elements of the city, the features that
135 give each city its unique character. Residential structures occupy
136 almost half of all urban land, with the building types ranging from
137 scattered single-family homes to dense high-rise apartments.
138 Commercial buildings are clustered downtown and at various subcenters,
139 with skyscrapers packed into the central business district and
140 low-rise structures prevailing elsewhere, although tall buildings are
141 becoming more common in the suburbs. Industrial buildings come in many
142 forms ranging from large factory complexes in industrial districts to
145 City planners engage in a constant search for the proper arrangement
146 of these different types of land use, paying particular attention to
147 the compatibility of different activities, population densities,
148 traffic generation, economic efficiency, social relationships, and the
149 height and bulk of buildings.
<p>
153 Open space is sometimes treated as a leftover, but it contributes
154 greatly to the quality of urban life.
"Hard" spaces such as plazas,
155 malls, and courtyards provide settings for public activities of all
156 kinds.
"Soft" spaces such as parks, gardens, lawns, and nature
157 preserves provide essential relief from harsh urban conditions and
158 serve as space for recreational activities. These
"amenities"
159 increasingly influence which cities will be perceived as desirable
162 <h2>Evolution of Urban Form
</h2>
164 The first true urban settlements appeared around
3,
000 B.C. in ancient
165 Mesopotamia, Egypt, and the Indus Valley. Ancient cities displayed
166 both
"organic" and
"planned" types of urban form. These societies had
167 elaborate religious, political, and military hierarchies. Precincts
168 devoted to the activities of the elite were often highly planned and
169 regular in form. In contrast, residential areas often grew by a slow
170 process of accretion, producing complex, irregular patterns that we
171 term
"organic." Two typical features of the ancient city are the wall
172 and the citadel: the wall for defense in regions periodically swept by
173 conquering armies, and the citadel -- a large, elevated precinct
174 within the city -- devoted to religious and state functions.
<p>
176 Greek cities did not follow a single pattern. Cities growing slowly
177 from old villages often had an irregular, organic form, adapting
178 gradually to the accidents of topography and history. Colonial cities,
179 however, were planned prior to settlement using the grid system. The
180 grid is easy to lay out, easy to comprehend, and divides urban land
181 into uniform rectangular lots suitable for development.
<p>
183 The Romans engaged in extensive city-building activities as they
184 consolidated their empire. Rome itself displayed the informal
185 complexity created by centuries of organic growth, although particular
186 temple and public districts were highly planned. In contrast, the
187 Roman military and colonial towns were laid out in a variation of the
188 grid. Many European cities, like London and Paris, sprang from these
191 We usually associate medieval cities with narrow winding streets
192 converging on a market square with a cathedral and city hall. Many
193 cities of this period display this pattern, the product of thousands
194 of incremental additions to the urban fabric. However, new towns
195 seeded throughout undeveloped regions of Europe were based upon the
196 familiar grid. In either case, large encircling walls were built for
197 defense against marauding armies; new walls enclosing more land were
198 built as the city expanded and outgrew its former container.
<p>
200 During the Renaissance, architects began to systematically study the
201 shaping of urban space, as though the city itself were a piece of
202 architecture that could be given an aesthetically pleasing and
203 functional order. Many of the great public spaces of Rome and other
204 Italian cities date from this era. Parts of old cities were rebuilt to
205 create elegant squares, long street vistas, and symmetrical building
206 arrangements. Responding to advances in firearms during the fifteenth
207 century, new city walls were designed with large earthworks to deflect
208 artillery, and star-shaped points to provide defenders with sweeping
209 lines of fire. Spanish colonial cities in the New World were built
210 according to rules codified in the Laws of the Indies of
1573,
211 specifying an orderly grid of streets with a central plaza, defensive
212 wall, and uniform building style.
<p>
214 We associate the baroque city with the emergence of great
215 nation-states between
1600 and
1750. Ambitious monarchs constructed
216 new palaces, courts, and bureaucratic offices. The grand scale was
217 sought in urban public spaces: long avenues, radial street networks,
218 monumental squares, geometric parks and gardens. Versailles is a clear
219 expression of this city-building model; Washington, D.C. is an example
220 from the United States. Baroque principles of urban design were used
221 by Baron Haussmann in his celebrated restructuring of Paris between
222 1853 and
1870. Haussmann carved broad new thoroughfares through the
223 tangled web of old Parisian streets, linking major subcenters of the
224 city with one another in a pattern which has served as a model for
225 many other modernization plans.
<p>
227 Toward the latter half of the eighteenth century, particularly in
228 America, the city as a setting for commerce assumed primacy. The
229 buildings of the bourgeoisie expand along with their owners'
230 prosperity: banks, office buildings, warehouses, hotels, and small
231 factories. New towns founded during this period were conceived as
232 commercial enterprises, and the neutral grid was the most effective
233 means to divide land up into parcels for sale. The city became a
234 checkerboard on which players speculated on shifting land values. No
235 longer would religious, political, and cultural imperatives shape
236 urban development; rather, the market would be allowed to determine
237 the pattern of urban growth. New York, Philadelphia, and Boston around
238 1920 exemplify the commercial city of this era, with their bustling,
239 mixed-use waterfront districts.
<p>
241 <h2>Transition to the Industrial City
</h2>
243 Cities have changed more since the Industrial Revolution than in all
244 the previous centuries of their existence. New York had a population
245 of about
313,
000 in
1840 but had reached
4,
767,
000 in
1910. Chicago
246 exploded from
4.000 to
2,
185,
000 during the same period. Millions of
247 rural dwellers no longer needed on farms flocked to the cities, where
248 new factories churned out products for the new markets made accessible
249 by railroads and steamships. In the United States, millions of
250 immigrants from Europe swelled the urban populations. Increasingly,
251 urban economies were being woven more rightly into the national and
252 international economies.
<p>
254 Technological innovations poured forth, many with profound impacts on
255 urban form. Railroad tracks were driven into the heart of the city.
256 Internal rail transportation systems greatly expanded the radius of
257 urban settlement: horsecars beginning in the
1830s, cable cars in the
258 1870s, and electric trolleys in the
1880s. In the
1880s, the first
259 central power plants began providing electrical power to urban areas.
260 The rapid communication provided by the telegraph and the telephone
261 allowed formerly concentrated urban activities to disperse across a
264 The industrial city still focused on the city center, which contained
265 both the central business district, defined by large office buildings,
266 and substantial numbers of factory and warehouse structures. Both
267 trolleys and railroad systems converged on the center of the city,
268 which boasted the premier entertainment and shopping establishments.
269 The working class lived in crowded districts close to the city center,
270 near their place of employment.
<p>
272 Early American factories were located outside of major cities along
273 rivers which provided water power for machinery. After steam power
274 became widely available in the
1930s, factories could be located
275 within the city in proximity to port facilities, rail lines, and the
276 urban labor force. Large manufacturing zones emerged within the major
277 northeastern and midwestern cities such as Pittsburgh, Detroit, and
278 Cleveland. But by the late nineteenth century, factory
279 decentralization had already begun, as manufacturers sought larger
280 parcels of land away from the congestion of the city. Gary, Indiana,
281 for example, was founded in
1906 on the southern shore of Lake
282 Michigan by the United States Steel Company.
<p>
284 The increasing crowding, pollution, and disease in the central city
285 produced a growing desire to escape to a healthier environment in the
286 suburbs. The upper classes had always been able to retreat to homes in
287 the countryside. Beginning in the
1830s, commuter railroads enabled
288 the upper middle class to commute in to the city center. Horsecar
289 lines were built in many cities between the
1830s and
1880s, allowing
290 the middle class to move out from the central cities into more
291 spacious suburbs. Finally, during the
1890s electric trolleys and
292 elevated rapid transit lines proliferated, providing cheap urban
293 transportation for the majority of the population.
<p>
295 The central business district of the city underwent a radical
296 transformation with the development of the skyscraper between
1870 and
297 1900. These tall buildings were not technically feasible until the
298 invention of the elevator and steel-frame construction methods.
299 Skyscrapers reflect the dynamics of the real estate market; the tall
300 building extracts the maximum economic value from a limited parcel of
301 land. These office buildings housed the growing numbers of
302 white-collar employees in banking, finance, management, and business
303 services, all manifestations of the shift from an economy of small
304 firms to one of large corporations.
<p>
306 <h3>The Form of the Modern City
307 in the Age of the Automobile
</h3>
309 The city of today may be divided into two parts:
<p>
313 <li>An inner zone, coextensive with the boundaries of the old industrial city.
315 <li>Suburban areas, dating from the
1920s, which have been designed for the automobile from the beginning.
319 The central business districts of American cities have become centers
320 of information processing, finance, and administration rather than
321 manufacturing. White-collar employees in these economic sectors
322 commute in from the suburbs on a network of urban freeways built
323 during the
1950s and
1960s; this
"hub-and-wheel" freeway pattern can
324 be observed on many city maps. New bridges have spanned rivers and
325 bays, as in New York and San Francisco, linking together formerly
326 separate cities into vast urbanized regions.
<p>
328 Waves of demolition and rebuilding have produced
"Manhattanized"
329 downtowns across the land. During the
1950s and
1960s, urban renewal
330 programs cleared away large areas of the old city, releasing the land
331 for new office buildings, convention centers, hotels, and sports
332 complexes. Building surges have converted the downtowns of American
333 cities into forests of tall office buildings. More recently, office
334 functions not requiring a downtown location have been moved to huge
335 office parks in the suburbs.
<p>
337 Surrounding the central business area lies a large band of old
338 mixed-use and residential buildings which hose the urban poor. High
339 crime, low income, deteriorating services, inadequate housing, and
340 intractable social problems plague these neglected areas of urban
341 America. The manufacturing jobs formerly available to inner city
342 residents are no longer there, and resources have not been committed
345 These inner city areas have been left behind by a massive migration to
346 the suburbs, which began in the late nineteenth century but
347 accelerated in the
1920s with the spread of the automobile. Freeway
348 building after World War II opened up even larger areas of suburban
349 land, which were quickly filled by people fleeing central city
350 decline. Today, more people live in suburbs than in cities proper.
351 Manufacturers have also moved their production facilities to suburban
352 locations which have freeway and rail accessibility.
<p>
354 Indeed, we have reached a new stage of urbanization beyond the
355 metropolis. Most major cities are no longer focused exclusively on the
356 traditional downtown. New subcenters have arisen round the periphery,
357 and these subcenters supply most of the daily needs of their adjacent
358 populations. The old metropolis has become a multi-centered urban
359 region. In turn, many of these urban regions have expanded to the
360 point where they have coalesced into vast belts of urbanization --
361 what the geographer Jean Gottman termed
"megalopolis." The prime
362 example is the eastern seaboard of the United States from Boston to
363 Washington. The planner C.A. Doxiadis has speculated that similar vast
364 corridors of urbanization will appear throughout the world during the
365 next century. Thus far, American planners have not had much success in
366 imposing a rational form on this process. However, New Town and
367 greenbelt programs in Britain and the Scandinavian countries have, to
368 some extent, prevented formless sprawl from engulfing the countryside.
371 <h3>The Economics of Urban Areas
</h3>
373 Since the
1950s, city planners have increasingly paid attention to the
374 economics of urban areas. When many American cities experienced fiscal
375 crises during the
1970s, urban financial management assumed even
376 greater importance. Today, planners routinely assess the economic
377 consequences of all major changes in the form of the city.
<p>
379 Several basic concepts underlie urban and regional economic analysis.
380 First, cities cannot grow if their residents simply provide services
381 for one another. The city must create products which can be sold to an
382 external purchaser, bringing in money which can be reinvested in new
383 production facilities and raw materials. This
"economic base" of
384 production for external markets is crucial. Without it, the economic
385 engine of the city grinds to a halt.
<p>
387 Once the economic base is established, an elaborate internal market
388 can evolve. This market includes the production of goods and services
389 for businesses and residents within the city. Obviously, a large part
390 of the city's physical plant is devoted to facilities for internal
391 transactions: retail stores of all kinds, restaurants, local
392 professional services, and so on.
<p>
394 Modern cities are increasingly engaged in competition for economic
395 resources such as industrial plants, corporate headquarters,
396 high-technology firms, and government facilities. Cities try to lure
397 investment with an array of features: low tax rates, improved
398 transportation and utility infrastructure, cheap land, and skilled
399 labor force. Amenities such as climate, proximity to recreation,
400 parks, elegant architecture, and cultural activities influence the
401 location decisions of businesses and individuals. Many older cities
402 have difficulty surviving in this new economic game. Abandoned by
403 traditional industries, they're now trying to create a new economic
404 base involving growth sectors such as high technology.
<p>
406 Today, cities no longer compete in mere regional or national markets:
407 the market is an international one. Multinational firms close plants
408 in Chicago or Detroit and build replacements in Asia or Latin America.
409 Foreign products dominate whole sectors of the American consumer goods
410 market. Huge sums of money shift around the globe in instantaneous
411 electronic transactions. Cities must struggle for survival in a
412 volatile environment in which the rules are always changing. This
413 makes city planning even more challenging than before.
<p>
415 <h2>Modern City Planning
</h2>
417 Modern city planning can be divided into two distinct but related
418 types of planning. visionary city planning proposes radical changes in
419 the form of the city, often in conjunction with sweeping changes in
420 the social and economic order. Institutionalized city planning is
421 lodged within the existing structures of government, and modifies
422 urban growth processes in moderate, pragmatic ways. It is constrained
423 by the prevailing alignment of political and economic forces within
426 <h3>Visionary or Utopian City Planning
</h3>
428 People have imagined ideal cities for millennia. Plato's Republic was
429 an ideal city, although lacking in the spatial detail of later
430 schemes. Renaissance architects designed numerous geometric cities,
431 and ever since architects have been the chief source of imaginative
432 urban proposals. In the twentieth century, Le Corbusier, Frank Lloyd
433 Wright, Paolo Soleri, and dozens of other architects have designed
434 cities on paper. Although few have been realized in pure form, they
435 have influenced the layout of many new towns and urban redevelopment
438 In his
"Contemporary City for Three Million People" of
1922 and
439 "Radiant City" of
1935, Le Corbusier advocated a high-density urban
440 alternative, with skyscraper office buildings and mid-rise apartments
441 placed within park-like open spaces. Different land uses were located
442 in separate districts, forming a rigid geometric pattern with a
443 sophisticated system of superhighways and rail transit.
<p>
445 Frank Lloyd Wright envisioned a decentralized low-density city in
446 keeping with his distaste for large cities and belief in frontier
447 individualism. The Broadacre City plan of
1935 is a large grid of
448 arterials spread across the countryside, with most of the internal
449 space devoted to single-family homes on large lots. Areas are also
450 carefully set aside for small farms, light industry, orchards,
451 recreation areas, and other urban facilities. A network of
452 superhighways knits the region together, so spatially dispersed
453 facilities are actually very close in terms of travel time. In many
454 ways, Wright's Broadacre City resembles American suburban and exurban
455 developments of the post-WWII period.
<p>
457 Many other utopian plans could be catalogued, but the point is that
458 planners and architects have generated a complex array of urban
459 patterns from which to draw ideas and inspiration. Most city planners,
460 however, do not work on a blank canvas; they can only make incremental
461 changes to an urban scene already shaped by a complicated historical
464 <h3>Institutionalized City Planning
</h3>
466 The form of the city is determined primarily by thousands of private
467 decisions to construct buildings, within a framework of public
468 infrastructure and regulations administered by the city, state, and
469 federal governments. City planning actions can have enormous impacts
470 on land values. From the point of view of land economics, the city is
471 an enormous playing field on which thousands of competitors struggle
472 to capture value by constructing or trading land and buildings. The
473 goal of city planning is to intervene in this game in order to protect
474 widely shared public values such as health, safety, environmental
475 quality, social equality, and aesthetics.
<p>
477 The roots of American city planning lie in an array of reform efforts
478 of the late nineteenth century: the Parks movement, the City Beautiful
479 movement, campaigns for housing regulations, the Progressive movement
480 for government reform, and efforts to improve public health through
481 the provision of sanitary sewers and clean water supplies. The First
482 National Conference on City Planning occurred in
1909, the same year
483 as Daniel Burnham's famous Plan of Chicago. That date may be used to
484 mark the inauguration of the new profession. The early city planners
485 actually came from diverse backgrounds such as architecture, landscape
486 architecture, engineering, and law, but they shared a common desire to
487 produce a more orderly urban pattern.
<p>
489 The zoning of land became, and still is, the most potent instrument
490 available to American city planners for controlling urban development.
491 Zoning is basically the dividing of the city into discrete areas
492 within which only certain land uses and types of buildings can be
493 constructed. The rationale is that certain activities of building
494 types don't mix well; factories and homes, for example. Illogical
495 mixtures create nuisances for the parties involved and lower land
496 values. After several decades of gradual development, land-use zoning
497 received legal approval from the Supreme Court in
1926.
<p>
499 Zoning isn't the same as planning: it is a legal tool for the
500 implementation of plans. Zoning should be closely integrated with a
501 Master Plan or Comprehensive Plan that spells out a logical path for
502 the city's future in areas such as land use, transportation, parks and
503 recreation, environmental quality, and public works construction. In
504 the early days of zoning this was often neglected, but this lack of
505 coordination between zoning and planning is less common now.
<p>
507 The other important elements of existing city planning are subdivision
508 regulations and environmental regulations. Subdivision regulations
509 require that land being subdivided for development be provided with
510 adequate street, sewers, water, schools, utilities, and various design
511 features. The goal is to prevent shabby, deficient developments that
512 produce headaches for both their residents and the city. Since the
513 late
1960s, environmental regulations have exerted a stronger
514 influence on patterns of urban growth by restricting development in
515 floodplains, on unstable slopes, on earthquake faults, or near
516 sensitive natural areas. Businesses have been forced to reduce smoke
517 emissions and the disposal of wastes has been more closely monitored.
518 Overall, the pace of environmental degradation has been slowed, but
519 certainly not stopped, and a dismaying backlog of environmental
520 hazards remains to be cleaned up. City planners have plenty of work to
521 do as we move into the twenty-first century.
<p>
523 <h2>Conclusion: Good City Form
</h2>
525 What is the good city? We are unlikely to arrive at an unequivocal
526 answer; the diversity of human needs and tastes frustrates all
527 attempts to provide recipes or instruction manuals for the building of
528 cities. However, we can identify the crucial dimensions of city
529 performance, and specify the many ways in which cities can achieve
530 success along these dimensions.
<p>
532 A most useful guide in this enterprise is Kevin Lynch's A Theory of
533 Good City Form (Cambridge, MA, MIT Press,
1981). Lynch offers five
534 basic dimensions of city performance: vitality, sense, fit, access,
535 and control. To these he adds two
"meta-criteria," efficiency and
538 For Lynch, a vital city successfully fulfils the biological needs of
539 its inhabitants, and provides a safe environment for their activities.
540 A sensible city is organized so that its residents can perceive and
541 understand the city's form and function. A city with good fit provides
542 the buildings, spaces, and networks required for its residents to
543 pursue their projects successfully. An accessible city allows people
544 of all ages and background to gain the activities, resources,
545 services, and information that they need. A city with good control is
546 arranged so that its citizens have a say in the management of the
547 spaces in which they work and reside.
<p>
549 Finally, an efficient city achieves the goals listed above at the
550 least cost, and balances the achievement of the goals with one
551 another. They cannot all be maximized at the same time. And a just
552 city distributes benefits among its citizens according to some fair
553 standard. Clearly, these two meta-criteria raise difficult issues
554 which will continue to spark debates for the foreseeable future.
<p>
556 These criteria tell aspiring city builders where to aim, while
557 acknowledging the diverse ways of achieving good city form. Cities are
558 endlessly fascinating because each is unique, the product of decades,
559 centuries, or even millennia of historical evolution. As we walk
560 through city streets, we walk through time, encountering the
561 city-building legacy of past generations. Paris, Venice, Rome, New
562 York, Chicago, San Francisco -- each has its glories and its failures.
563 In theory, we should be able to learn the lessons of history and build
564 cities that our descendants will admire and wish to preserve. That
565 remains a constant challenge for all those who undertake the task of
572 <h2>Micropolis, Unix Version.
</h2>
573 This game was released for the Unix platform
574 in or about
1990 and has been modified for inclusion in the One Laptop
575 Per Child program. Copyright
© 1989 -
2007 Electronic Arts Inc. If
576 you need assistance with this program, you may contact:
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</a> or email
<a href=
"mailto:micropolis@laptop.org">micropolis@laptop.org
</a>.
580 This program is free software: you can redistribute it and/or modify
581 it under the terms of the GNU General Public License as published by
582 the Free Software Foundation, either version
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583 your option) any later version.
586 This program is distributed in the hope that it will be useful, but
587 WITHOUT ANY WARRANTY; without even the implied warranty of
588 MERCHANTABILITY or FITNESS FOR A PARTICULAR PURPOSE. See the GNU
589 General Public License for more details. You should have received a
590 copy of the GNU General Public License along with this program. If
591 not, see
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7</h3>
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"AS IS," WITH ALL FAULTS, WITHOUT WARRANTY
622 OF ANY KIND, AND YOUR USE IS AT YOUR SOLE RISK. THE ENTIRE RISK OF
623 SATISFACTORY QUALITY AND PERFORMANCE RESIDES WITH YOU. ELECTRONIC ARTS
624 DISCLAIMS ANY AND ALL EXPRESS, IMPLIED OR STATUTORY WARRANTIES,
625 INCLUDING IMPLIED WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY, SATISFACTORY QUALITY,
626 FITNESS FOR A PARTICULAR PURPOSE, NONINFRINGEMENT OF THIRD PARTY
627 RIGHTS, AND WARRANTIES (IF ANY) ARISING FROM A COURSE OF DEALING,
628 USAGE, OR TRADE PRACTICE. ELECTRONIC ARTS DOES NOT WARRANT AGAINST
629 INTERFERENCE WITH YOUR ENJOYMENT OF THE PROGRAM; THAT THE PROGRAM WILL
630 MEET YOUR REQUIREMENTS; THAT OPERATION OF THE PROGRAM WILL BE
631 UNINTERRUPTED OR ERROR-FREE, OR THAT THE PROGRAM WILL BE COMPATIBLE
632 WITH THIRD PARTY SOFTWARE OR THAT ANY ERRORS IN THE PROGRAM WILL BE
633 CORRECTED. NO ORAL OR WRITTEN ADVICE PROVIDED BY ELECTRONIC ARTS OR
634 ANY AUTHORIZED REPRESENTATIVE SHALL CREATE A WARRANTY. SOME
635 JURISDICTIONS DO NOT ALLOW THE EXCLUSION OF OR LIMITATIONS ON IMPLIED
636 WARRANTIES OR THE LIMITATIONS ON THE APPLICABLE STATUTORY RIGHTS OF A
637 CONSUMER, SO SOME OR ALL OF THE ABOVE EXCLUSIONS AND LIMITATIONS MAY
638 NOT APPLY TO YOU.
</b>
projects / micropolis / blob